Following three months of political uncertainty, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi has established her new Cabinet, bringing an end to the political vacuum created by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s disastrous Upper House election loss.

In the Diet vote for prime minister, Nippon Ishin (Japan Innovation Party), now a partner in the LDP-led coalition but without Cabinet representation, got its Lower House members to vote for Takaichi, ensuring her victory on the first ballot.

She won the runoff in the Upper House, again with the help of Nippon Ishin.

Takaichi made history by becoming the nation’s first female prime minister.

However, the coalition agreement with Nippon Ishin came at a price with the LDP basically acquiescing 12 policy requests that had a heavily hawkish quality. Affecting both foreign and national policy, they include constitutional revision and measures to deal with the surging number of foreign residents in Japan.

We cannot help but hold strong misgivings about the shift from the path Japan has followed in the postwar era.

STRESS ON MILITARY FORCE

After being elected as the new head of the LDP without Komeito as a partner, Takaichi scrambled to build a majority in the Diet to become prime minister, as her party lacks a majority in both chambers.

In addition to the discussions with Nippon Ishin, the LDP also included in its Upper House voting bloc a member elected through the proportional representation constituency from the anti-NHK party, whose leader is at the center of a criminal complaint.

Sanseito did not vote for Takaichi in the election for prime minister. However, the LDP did approach the party about cooperation, and in the Upper House runoff two members from the Conservative Party of Japan voted for Takaichi.

The agreement signed by Takaichi with Hirofumi Yoshimura, the Nippon Ishin head, called for immediate reform to resolve issues that have lingered since World War II ended 80 years ago, especially constitutional revision.

The agreement reached with Nippon Ishin included deadlines it insisted on for implementing the various policies.

Because, in our view, that touches upon themes that risk destabilizing the foundations of Japanese society, we cannot accept hurried implementation without highlighting the issues involved to gain the understanding of a wide segment of the public.

For example, the agreement calls for pushing ahead with revisions to three policy documents related to national security with an eye toward further increases in defense spending as well as doing away with categories that limit weapons export to five areas.

This is clearly an emphasis on military force since no foreign policy vision has been outlined.

The agreement also calls for enacting an anti-espionage law that could violate individual thought and ideology.

Along with its proposal to create a secondary capital, Nippon Ishin strongly pushed for social security reform that would include lowering premiums paid by the working population. Another proposal in that area concerns the burden paid at medical institutions which Nippon Ishin argues should be based on the ability to pay rather than age.

This is another area in which discussions should not be rushed as consideration must be given to whether those in socially disadvantaged positions will end up shouldering an additional burden.

The two parties have indicated their intention to seek passage of legislation in the ordinary Diet session to be convened early next year to allow the use of a maiden name as an alias for business purposes.

That means a system to allow married couples to use separate surnames, which had gained momentum after the ruling coalition lost its majority in the Lower House following the 2024 election, has slipped further away.

There are other policies which require careful observation due to fears they may run counter to efforts to bring about a diverse and inclusive society where the rights of all are protected.

But the money scandal that toppled the LDP and led to a loss of trust in politicians among the public remains in an ambiguous state with no attempt at a resolution.

NO ACTION ON CORPORATE DONATIONS

Although Nippon Ishin at one time called for an end to political donations from companies and organizations, Yoshimura in his coalition discussions with the LDP said the most important political reform issue was reducing the number of Diet members.

In the agreement signed by the two parties, there was only a proposal to set up a forum for discussions on how parties should procure funds. This resulted in a vague decision to seek an agreement before Takaichi’s term as LDP president expires.

Discussions on this issue got started in the Diet about a year ago, and the opposition parties were close to reaching a consensus on restricting the entities allowed to accept donations.

The coalition agreement effectively was a polite way of pushing back the deadline for that policy by two years.

Nippon Ishin’s long-held slogan had been painful reform. For the LDP, it should have been a review of donations from companies and organizations.

Which brings us to the proposal to submit and seek passage in the extraordinary Diet session of legislation to reduce the number of Lower House seats by 10 percent. This amounts to nothing more than a switch of discussion items.

The electoral system lies at the heart of how the ruling and opposition parties operate, so the normal course of business calls for obtaining a consensus through careful discussions that include minority voting blocs.

The ruling coalition should not ram through any vote just because it has a majority.

Nippon Ishin has chosen a confusing path of agreeing to be part of the coalition but not having any member to serve in the Cabinet.

If it is seeking to implement policy, it should assume responsibility by joining the Cabinet and discussing ways to obtain stable revenue sources for its policies and state where its policy priorities lie.

It cannot be considered a responsible party if it is leaving room to bolt from the coalition if the Takaichi administration starts facing strong headwinds.

DUBIOUS CABINET PICKS

The perils of the Takaichi administration can be seen in some of her choices for Cabinet posts.

She included three lawmakers who ran against her in the LDP presidential election: Shinjiro Koizumi, Yoshimasa Hayashi and Toshimitsu Motegi.

That seemed to have been an attempt to demonstrate party unity.

Koizumi, in his previous capacity as a Cabinet minister, has made repeated visits on Aug. 15, the anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War II, to Yasukuni Shrine, where 14 Class-A war criminals are memorialized. If he continues to do so as defense minister, he will risk triggering serious diplomatic issues with this country’s neighbors.

Takaichi chose Minoru Kihara to serve as chief Cabinet secretary, a key position, as he holds similar ideological views.

But his only Cabinet experience is as defense minister, and he will likely have to answer questions about his positive stance toward the Imperial Rescript on Education that helped fuel the rise of militarism before World War II and which Diet resolutions have rejected and voided.

Another individual with similar ideological views as Takaichi is Kimi Onoda, who was chosen as state minister for economic security while concurrently holding the portfolio for dealing with issues related to foreigners.

It remains to be seen if Onoda can promote policies that are not xenophobic, given her past concerns about any system that allows foreign laborers to work in Japan.

Takaichi has said the increased issuance of deficit bonds was unavoidable.

As finance minister, she chose Satsuki Katayama, who also favors aggressive fiscal policy.

Katayama will face the test of creating economic policy that allays fears held by the public while also keeping an eye on the need for fiscal discipline.

--The Asahi Shimbun, Oct. 22