THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
November 2, 2024 at 07:00 JST
Journalist and historian Wieland Wagner, who has served as a Tokyo correspondent, among other posts, for the German magazine Der Spiegel (Provided by Wieland Wagner)
German historian and journalist Wieland Wagner called for Japanese to address the problems of their symbolic emperor system, so that the Asian power can become a fully democratic society.
Wagner made the observation during a recent interview with The Asahi Shimbun, in which he recommended the course of action that Japan should take.
Wagner, who served as a correspondent in Tokyo for a major German magazine for many years, presented his view of the postwar emperor framework in Japan from an outsider’s standpoint.
Born in 1959 in West Germany, Wagner specialized in history and German literature at the University of Freiburg. He earned a doctoral degree in 1990 for his studies on Japan’s diplomacy during the early Meiji Era (1868-1912).
Working for the German magazine Der Spiegel, Wagner served as head of its bureaus in Tokyo, Shanghai, Beijing and New Delhi.
Wagner has authored a book themed on Japan’s “Decline in Dignity” to illustrate how the aging country is struggling with its future. His new book “The Legacy of the Tenno” deals with the struggle for the future of the monarchy. The publication has not been translated into Japanese.
Wagner’s concerns became a reality as the ruling and opposition blocs in Japan postponed their plan to form a “consensus of the legislative body” over a stable succession to the Chrysanthemum Throne until this fall or later.
Initially, both camps had intended to reach an agreement in the first half of 2024.
No significant progress has been made in the debate on the imperial throne succession crisis, although Prince Hisahito, the only young male member of the imperial family, has already reached the adulthood age of 18.
Whether to accept female or matrilineal emperors, a notion suggested by an expert panel under the administration of then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, appeared to be too controversial a topic to address. Politics has seemingly lost sight of the possibility.
Wagner noted that there are still limitations to and restrictions on the narrative about the emperor system in the media as well as politics in Japan.
Excerpts of the interview follow:
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DEFORMED DEMOCRACY
Question: What motivated you to take a look at Japanese society from the viewpoint of the emperor system, when you released a book about what you describe as ‘the world's most mysterious royal family’ and conflict over the future of Japan last year in Germany?
Wagner: I strongly became interested in the relationship between Japan’s democracy and emperor, when I worked as a Tokyo-based correspondent of a German magazine for a total of nearly 20 years since 1990.
Postwar Japan had overcome the turmoil after World War II, building an astonishingly united, harmonious and stable society.
This can be attributed to the emperor system that functioned as the symbol of unity and continuity, and in this respect Japan is different from Western democratic societies that function through controversy and debate.
Historian Kan'ichi Asakawa (who died in 1948) predicted that the emperor system would no longer be necessary once the people became truly independent subjects at some point.
What will happen to the emperor system when the people truly become democratic subjects? Will it be possible for the emperor to continue serving as the symbol of national unity in the future? I wanted to squarely tackle these questions again.
Q: What part do you think the emperor system played in promoting postwar democracy?
A: In Germany, the emperor abdicated following the defeat in World War I, and democracy there developed during the time of the Weimar Republic. This democratic experience was again put to use after the end of World War II. This is well reflected in the fact that the 1949 Basic Law was drafted by politicians and academics.
In Japan, however, the government’s Committee to Study Constitutional Problems (so-called Matsumoto Committee) did not want to revise the old Meiji Constitution to make it worthy of the name of democracy.
Therefore, the GHQ (General Headquarters of the Allied Powers) worked out its own constitutional draft and imposed democracy on Japan through pressure from above. It was a behind-the-scenes deal between Gen. Douglas MacArthur and the Japanese side.
The U.S. military made use of the emperor’s authority to smoothly implement its occupation policy, while Japan aimed to preserve the emperor system by embracing democracy and pacifism. The United States, however, lost its enthusiasm for instilling democracy in Japan with the outbreak of the Korean War, and Washington joined hands with Japan’s old reactionary bloc including Nobusuke Kishi.
This historic development is known as the Reverse Course. Here is the point where the deformation and other problems regarding democracy in postwar Japan all started.
Try to imagine what might have happened if the emperor system had been abolished following the defeat in the war. We can only speculate, but one thing is certain: the Japanese people would have needed to become aware of their duties as responsible citizens and sovereigns much earlier.
Q: Are you suggesting that the emperor framework introduced democracy to Japan but simultaneously hindered its full establishment?
A: It even can be said of the emperor in the Heisei Era (1989-2019). Emperor Emeritus Akihito (who reigned as emperor during the era) took democracy more seriously than politicians did, consciously trying to bring the emperor system into harmony with democracy.
Akihito kneeled at evacuation centers in the aftermath of major disasters to provide encouragement for victims. And he was quick to release a video statement when citizens were traumatized by the nuclear accident (at the Fukushima plant).
Akihito likewise attempted to confront the issue of war responsibility as much as possible, traveling both in Japan and abroad to pray for the souls of the victims of World War II. This is the reason why he is popular and highly regarded even among leftist and liberals.
In some respects, Akihito functioned as a bulwark to prevent democracy from being hollowed out under the administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, in order to prevent society from becoming increasingly authoritarian. However, this type of responsibility should have been fulfilled by democratically elected political leaders.
The emperor showed up each time the people sought moral support and leadership. But what if the emperor had not been a liberal like Emperor Emeritus Akihito but someone with the exact opposite ideology and personality?
The emperor is always at risk of being utilized for political purposes. A system dependent on an individual’s personality and qualities cannot be called ideal.
SHOULD REFLECT DIVERSITY
Q: Is it your opinion that the emperor’s duties should be limited to state acts as specified in the Constitution as much as possible?
A: No. It will be fine for imperial family members to provide emotional comfort in times of national crises and other difficulties for the people. They should actually do so in my opinion. Royal families in European countries, alongside the German president, act in the same way.
Since the beginning of the Reiwa Era (2019-present) in particular, the imperial family has not yet succeeded in serving as the symbol of modern Japan and provide hope for people. This is because it is still struggling to respond to changes and diversity in modern society.
Many royal families in Europe reflect the increasingly diverse aspects of society.
Queen Mary of Denmark hails from Australia. Princess Martha Louise of Norway has divorced and married a self-professed shaman from the United States, while Crown Princess Mette-Marit has had a son from an unmarried relationship. The son is reportedly struggling with drug issues. The husband of Beatrix, a former queen of the Netherlands, whose name was Claus, suffered from depression.
Like their counterparts in the rest of society, such royals are plagued by family affairs in the face of changes in society. This, however, is what enables them to understand citizens’ circumstances and thereby give hope to people.
In Japan, many people are struggling in one-parent households, poverty and “hikikomori” social reclusiveness. The imperial family should actively commit itself to those problems, so it can become the symbol of unity for the new era.
I’m not sure if this is the appropriate way to phrase it, but in a sense, the imperial family now has a valuable opportunity. Empress Masako, hit by an adjustment disorder, could take on unique roles, such as reaching out to socially vulnerable individuals and minority groups with her own messages.
Q: What is your take on a group of conservatives who believe that exposing imperial family members’ weak points and other features as humans will undermine their authority, because they want the emperor to possess transcendent power?
A: Deifying the emperor represents the exact opposite from democracy. The emperor system would lose the justification for its existence, if it were to be at odds with democracy. To retain both simultaneously, it will be essential to guarantee the human rights of the emperor and the imperial family, allowing them to maintain their dignity as individuals within the imperial household and, of course, to marry freely.
The bashing of (ex-imperial family member) Mako Komuro was clearly over the top. The fact that she was effectively forced to flee to the United States (due to her marriage-relevant troubles) marked a defeat for Japanese society.
The question of whether disapproving of female and matrilineal emperors is consistent with democratic values answers itself obviously, too.
POLITICS, MEDIA KEEP THEIR SILENCE
Q: What do you think of the midterm report released recently by the speakers of the Upper and Lower houses based on parties’ discussions on succession of the imperial throne?
(A government expert panel in 2021 suggested two plans to secure imperial family members: allowing female members to retain their imperial status following marriage; and enabling male and patrilineal former members to formally rejoin the royal family through adoption. However, the Diet has yet to reach a consensus due to the wide divergence of opinions among politicians particularly over the second issue.)
A: Japanese politics continuously puts off problems and takes virtually no action, even though it remains unclear whether Prince Hisahito, the only legitimate next-generation heir to the throne, will have a son or even can find a woman who marries him. An expert committee recommended accepting female or matrilineal emperors under the Koizumi administration in 2005, but the proposal has since disappeared.
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (at the time) stated he would submit a revision to the Imperial House Law during a policy speech, but he afterward overturned and abandoned the decision. Strangely, the government insists that no official records detailing the process were kept.
If the government believes only male and patrilineal members should be eligible for the throne, it ought to give a clear explanation to citizens. It avoids doing so, though.
Major media organizations are similarly hesitant about discussing key issues regarding the handling of the emperor system. I have never come across articles detailing the total number, daily lives or the thinking of former imperial family members, even though right-wingers stick to the idea of returning male descendants of those families to the court.
News stories on the imperial family are dominated by yellow journalism, such as reporting on whether Prince Hisahito will go to the prestigious University of Tokyo. There is almost no reporting that could provide important information for debate among the people who, as sovereign citizens, should be the ones who determine the future of the emperor system. It is extremely bizarre given that the very survival of the imperial family is at stake.
It can be said that the lack of debate over the emperor system is a direct reflection of the political situation in Japan. Politicians are unable to implement effective measures against the dwindling birthrate and graying of society, and the immigration issue is not discussed head-on even though the working-age population continues to diminish. While those debates are being delayed time is running out.
Q: Can you share your view on those who argue that Japan should transition to a republican system to ensure the human rights of the emperor and the royal family, despite the deeply ingrained taboo surrounding discussions of the imperial system? And how do you view an ethnic nationalist group that advocates for the emperor to distance himself from politics by returning to Kyoto and serving as the guardian of the people through his primary religious role? (Both positions stem from their reverence for the emperor.)
A: The emperor’s power was indeed diminished for a long period of time up until the closing days of the Edo Period (1603-1867). But at the center of nowadays debate is the modern emperor system established during the Meiji Era (1868-1912), since a lot of its traits survive and remain familiar to us today.
It cannot be denied that the emperor who lives in the capital Tokyo is still important for people. Particularly in the Heisei Era the emperor and the empress who came from a commoner family played constructive roles.
As a foreigner, I am not qualified to give any advice as to whether the current imperial system should be abolished or not. But considering that more than 70 percent of citizens support the symbolic emperor system a realistic option might be to discuss in what ways the imperial institution could contribute to a democratic society.
In the future, Japan will probably not be able to maintain its harmonious society like in earlier days. There will not only be more people of foreign origin but also increasingly aging and isolated communities, along with a stagnating economy. All these developments may cause the country to become diversified even more.
The myth of the Yamato people, which describes imperial family members as descendants of the goddess Amaterasu Omikami, can no longer unify individuals in this increasingly diverse society. The imperial family will lose its legitimacy if citizens’ consensus or consent is not won on the critical issue of whether to allow female or matrilineal emperors, or to continue having exclusively male and patrilineal emperors.
Whether the emperor system should be retained and what role it should play – these questions have to be discussed by the sovereign, the people of Japan, without taboos. However, much more important than the emperor system’s future is whether a day will come when Japanese society will be able to embrace a genuine democracy.
(This interview was conducted by Tomoya Ishikawa, a staff writer of The Asahi Shimbun.)
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