Photo/Illutration Aiko Nakasone points toward the area where U.S. military aircraft frequently fly overhead in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, on Oct. 16. (Taro Ono)

Homemaker Aiko Nakasone heard the familiar rumble of military aircraft coming from a U.S. air base in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, at 10 p.m. on an early October evening. 

She had just opened the window in her daughters’ room―one in elementary school and the other in junior high school―as they were getting ready for bed, but quickly shut it to block out the noise.

U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma sits in the middle of Ginowan, where the constant din of Ospreys and large helicopters fills the air, being particularly disruptive at night to residents such as Nakasone, 39. 

As the Lower House election draws near, the long-debated revision of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, which grants privileges to the U.S. forces in Japan, has gained renewed attention among the Japanese public.

Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba has long advocated revisions to the agreement, while opposition parties have also included reform in their campaign platforms.

However, officials in the Foreign Ministry and Defense Ministry remain reluctant, concerned that addressing the longstanding agreement could negatively impact Japan-U.S. relations.

This highlights a gap between political rhetoric and commitment.

FRUSTRATIONS MOUNT OVER AGREEMENT

A 1996 Japan-U.S. agreement restricts flights at the Futenma air station between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. to only those deemed operationally essential.

However, observations by the Okinawa Defense Bureau show that takeoffs and landings during those hours have remained between 300 and 400 per year.

From January to August this year alone, there have already been 392 flights―an average of 1.6 per day.

The environmental and health impacts are another concern to residents.

Eight years ago, an Okinawa prefectural survey detected high levels of perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS)―cancer-causing organic fluorine compounds―in rivers and the groundwater near a U.S. military base.

Since then, Nakasone has told her children not to drink from the tap.

Even when residents complained, the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement serves as a barrier, preventing Japan from limiting U.S. military flights.

Okinawa Prefecture’s efforts to investigate the sources of PFAS contamination have also been stalled, as access to the bases requires U.S. consent, which has yet to be granted.

When Ishiba promised to initiate revisions to the bilateral agreement during a local campaign speech in Okinawa Prefecture in September, as part of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party presidential election, Nakasone’s hopes were raised.

UNEQUAL TERMS AND GROWING TENSIONS

Status of forces agreements govern the legal status and authority of foreign military forces in host nations.

Critics say that the Japan-U.S. bilateral agreement is more inequitable compared to similar arrangements the United States has with other countries.

One example is Japan’s limited legal authority over U.S. base management. Article 3 of the agreement states that “the U.S. may take all the measures necessary for” control of the bases.

This legal vacuum has led to many court rulings declaring the noise from the U.S. bases to be “illegal,” but no action has been taken.

According to a government statement approved by the Cabinet in February, the government has paid around 70.4 billion yen ($467 million) in compensation to residents affected by noise from U.S. bases nationwide, including Yokota Air Base in Tokyo and Naval Air Facility Atsugi in Kanagawa Prefecture.

Even after court rulings, U.S. military aircraft still take flight and the Japanese government, which hosts U.S. military bases, continues to pay compensation to the affected residents.

The Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement has not been revised since it was signed in 1960.

Each time an issue arises, the government has addressed it by negotiating operational improvements instead of revising the agreement itself.

In the lead-up to the Lower House election, Ishiba’s clear statement that he “definitely wants to realize” a revision of the agreement thrusts the issue into the spotlight.

Opposition parties have echoed similar calls, pledging revisions and reviews of the agreement.

On the other hand, Foreign Ministry and Defense Ministry officials remain hesitant.

Focused on deepening security cooperation with the United States, they are reluctant to address the bilateral agreement, fearing that it could strain relations between the two countries.

“The prime minister needs to understand the direction of Japan’s foreign policy,” a senior Foreign Ministry official said.

A council of governors for U.S. military base issues, made up of 15 prefectures that host bases, including Aomori, Kanagawa, Kyoto and Nagasaki, has been calling for revisions since 1995.

There has also been a series of sexual assault cases involving U.S. service members in Okinawa Prefecture that have angered residents and prefectural officials. 

“To protect the lives, property and human rights of our residents, revising the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement is essential,” Okinawa Governor Denny Tamaki said at a news conference on Oct. 11.

(This article was written by Taro Ono, Kazuyuki Ito and Shino Matsuyama.)