Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, armed with a fresh mandate to govern following his party’s solid victory in the Oct. 31 Lower House election, formed his second Cabinet on Nov. 10 to replace the one he created when he took over a little more than a month ago.

Kishida now must show he is worthy of voters’ expectations. In particular, he should not allow his ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s dominance in the chamber to make him arrogant. He needs to ensure that fair and just policy decisions are a hallmark of his administration by learning how his immediate predecessors, Shinzo Abe and Yoshihide Suga, violated these basic political imperatives when they held the post of prime minister.

On the urgent policy challenge of how to deal with the changing phase of the novel coronavirus pandemic, Kishida on Nov. 10 announced an outline of his government’s response and plans to unveil details of his COVID-19 strategy this week.

While the daily number of new cases has plunged in Japan, there is no room for complacency. Kishida needs to make sure his strategy to tackle the challenge is effective.

To be fair, Suga can claim credit for some notable specific policy initiatives, including cuts in mobile services fees and policy support for infertility treatment. But he was severely criticized for lacking a political philosophy or vision for Japanese society upon which to base his policy programs.

In contrast, Kishida has rhapsodized about some grand visions, including “new capitalism” and “a digital garden city state.” But these terms are nothing more than mere slogans at the moment.

The advisory council on his “new capitalism” initiative, which he hastily set up during the official campaign period for the Lower House election, has already announced a set of emergency economic policy proposals. However, the recommendations made the other day were mostly in line with traditional policy programs. To develop a policy agenda worthy of the grandiose title of “new capitalism,” it is necessary to look beyond the expertise of the panel members and tap collective wisdom for robust and in-depth debate.

The Kishida administration also decided to establish several other new councils to promote his policy initiatives, including panels for realizing a “digital garden city state,” “digital administrative reform,” “social security for all generations” and increases in the wages of nursing and childcare workers.

But it is not clear what roles these new councils will play in crafting the administration’s economic policy agenda and how they will supplement the missions of existing panels like the Council on Fiscal and Economic Policy, widely regarded as the principal architect of the government’s economic policies.

The Kishida administration has yet to work out how all these new and existing advisory councils should function to help flesh out and substantiate his vision.

Kishida reappointed all the Cabinet members except Toshimitsu Motegi, the foreign minister named to replace Akira Amari as LDP secretary-general after the latter resigned from the key party post over his failure to be elected in a single-seat constituency. Kishida appointed Yoshimasa Hayashi, a political veteran with broad Cabinet experience, as his new foreign minister.

Hayashi is a senior member of the LDP faction led by the prime minister and serves as chairman of a nonpartisan association of lawmakers for promoting friendly relations between Japan and China.

As Japan’s top diplomat, Hayashi should make good use of his experience and knowledge to deal effectively with the urgent foreign and security policy challenge of responding to China’s rise as an economic and military superpower.

Kishida also appointed Gen Nakatani, a former defense minister, to a newly created post of special adviser to the prime minister on human rights issues. Nakatani serves as co-chair of the Nonpartisan Parliamentary Association for Reconsidering Human Rights Diplomacy, established in April to enact legislation to slap sanctions on parties it deems guilty of human rights abuses overseas.

Making the universal value of human rights the central guiding principle for the government’s foreign policy is a meaningful move. But human rights abuses are not confined to Beijing’s acts in Hong Kong and Xinjiang. The adviser’s role should not be limited to criticizing China’s human rights abuses.

--The Asahi Shimbun, Nov. 11