By TAKESHI KAMIYA/ Correspondent
November 23, 2019 at 15:35 JST
SEOUL--South Korea's dramatic turnaround in deciding to continue a key military intelligence-sharing pact with Japan came down to two things: pressure from Washington and convincing the public it was the only way forward.
Extending the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) without a convincing explanation would have ignited a domestic backlash as Seoul had repeatedly said it would let the agreement expire at midnight on Nov. 22 unless Japan agreed to review its stiffer export control measures.
The results of a public opinion poll released the same day found 51 percent of respondents saying ending the agreement was the right move, while only 29 percent said it was wrong.
Had South Korea gone ahead and let the agreement end, its ties with the United States would have nosedived.
Washington had made a concerted effort to convince Seoul to continue with the GSOMIA because it was vital to monitoring North Korea's development of ballistic missiles and nuclear weapons.
Various moves behind the scenes led to the abrupt change in position on the GSOMIA.
One former high-ranking official in the South Korean presidential office described the situation as one in which "President Moon Jae-in fell into the hole he himself dug and was now unable to climb out of it by himself."
Talks were held with Japanese officials through diplomatic channels from about Nov. 15 when U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper visited South Korea to try to convince officials there of the importance of maintaining the GSOMIA.
A source knowledgeable about the workings of the South Korean presidential office said Cho Sei-young, the first vice foreign minister, visited Japan in late November for talks with Japanese officials at his level. Days before Seoul decided to continue with the GSOMIA, high-ranking officials from Japan visited Seoul for discussions.
An official with the South Korean presidential office said, "While we would not have asked for a retraction of the stiffer export control measures, we would have obtained a rationale for extending the agreement if Japan showed signs that it was willing to change its stance and enter into discussions."
Japan did, in fact, agree to hold talks about the export control measures at various bureaucratic levels, including the director-general of ministry bureaus.
That would allow South Korean officials to state to the domestic audience that a path had been opened for working toward the retraction of the export control measures.
A high-ranking official in the South Korean presidential office explained that Moon himself attended the National Security Council meeting on Nov. 22 where the decision was made to continue with the GSOMIA. The official called Moon's presence "highly unusual" and demonstrated his intent to restore diplomatic ties with Japan to a more normal course through diplomacy.
The comment represents a desire by the Moon administration to paint the decision as being the proper and important one to the domestic audience.
Seoul also informed Tokyo that it would suspend procedures to have the World Trade Organization take up Japan's stiffer export control measures as long as bilateral discussions were being held on the issue.
That move, along with the continuation of the GSOMIA, means Seoul made two concessions, while Japan only agreed to hold discussions on the trade issue.
Moreover, Japan made no indication that it was prepared to take specific measures to change its trade stance in relation to South Korea.
There were already signs domestic public opinion would become frustrated at the lack of greater concessions from Japan.
South Korean reporters asked the Blue House official about reports that Japan would continue to implement the stiffer export control measures.
The official said, "If that is the stance from Tokyo, it is the wrong action to take regarding the agreement."
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