The Foreign Ministry’s China Division in 1991 listed the pros and cons of arranging a visit to China by Emperor Akihito, including the possible impact on diplomatic relations around Asia.

Akihito, now emperor emeritus, made an official trip to China the following year, but only after extremely careful preparations, as evident in the diplomatic document titled “Pros & Cons of the Emperor’s Visit to China at the Present Stage.”

The document was dated July 29, 1991, stamped with a seal for “secret,” and was among a number of papers released by the ministry on Dec. 21.

It is unusual for the ministry to release documents showing such in-depth government consideration concerning matters related to imperial diplomacy, including that with China.

Akihito ascended the Chrysanthemum Throne in 1989, and China repeatedly invited him to visit.

In 1991, the Foreign Ministry considered how Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu should respond to Beijing’s requests during his visit to China planned for August that year.

The ministry’s division wrote down the pros and cons in the document.

THE PROS

* The Japan-China relationship would greatly improve if the emperor visited China next year (1992), which marks the 20th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic relations.

(Europe is expected to attract significant attention next year for many reasons, such as the Barcelona Olympics, the 500th anniversary of the birth of Christopher Columbus, and the Seville Expo. The emperor’s visit to China can bring the world’s attention also to Asia.)

* One absolute condition of the emperor’s visit to China is that it proves a success. The current Chinese administration can control anti-emperor sentiment among its people.

(Every time he invites the emperor to China, Foreign Minister Qian [Qichen] says there is no doubt he will be welcomed by the Chinese people.)

* The idea of the emperor visiting South Korea before China is understandable to some extent, but there is no way we can indefinitely decline an invitation from China because South Korea is not quite ready to receive the emperor.

* The fact that the emperor himself hopes to visit China has been sufficiently recognized by the Chinese side through previous exchanges.

If we delay our reply any further, there are concerns that the Chinese side could interpret it as the Japanese government preventing the emperor from visiting China. This could cause friction in the Japan-China relationship.

THE CONS

* Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu will be the first leader of an industrialized nation to visit China since the Tiananmen Square crackdown (in 1989 against pro-democracy protesters), and China would be greatly appreciative of the visit as it has become increasingly isolated from the international community. China would appear to be asking too much by requesting a visit by the emperor.

* The Chinese side might be frequently asking for a visit by the emperor because it intends to use the occasion for political gain. It would be unwise for us to jump at such an opportunity.

When the emperor’s capacity as the symbol of the state is taken into consideration, his visit to China should genuinely be of goodwill in nature.

* In view of (pro-democracy) movements in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, it is difficult to foresee how China will become after the era of (top leader) Deng Xiaoping.

China’s current administration has gotten its hands dirty by cracking down on its people at Tiananmen Square, and the emperor could be identified with the negative image if he were to visit China in response to its invitation.

* If the emperor visits China before South Korea, it will leave a bitter aftertaste in the Japan-South Korea relationship. With the emperor scheduled to visit Southeast Asia in autumn this year, his visit to China next year would place a disproportionate emphasis on Asia.

His visits to the United States and Europe should be given priority. It is questionable what practical benefits can be achieved by going to great lengths to make the emperor’s visit to China happen next year.

Based on those reasons, we, in our responsibility as the China Division of the Foreign Ministry, prepared a key point for Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu to say if he is asked by leading figures to make the emperor’s visit to China a reality during his stay in the country. The key point goes to the effect: “We are sincerely considering it, but due to various reasons, we feel it is impossible to make it happen next year.”

‘CONTINUE CONSIDERING IT’

Yuji Miyamoto, who served as chief of the China Division at the time and was Japanese ambassador to China between 2006 and 2010, told The Asahi Shimbun, “I thought about the positive and negative aspects (of the emperor’s visit to China) in my head as explanatory material for Mr. Kaifu before his visit to China.”

Kaifu visited China in early August 1991.

According to a secret cable, Chinese Premier Li Peng told Kaifu during a reception party that China had a strong feeling about the emperor’s visit next year, to which Kaifu merely replied, “We will continue considering it.”

Miyamoto left office as the China Division chief in late August while Kaifu was replaced by Kiichi Miyazawa as prime minister in November that year.

Emperor Akihito visited China in October 1992. A Japanese emperor has yet to set foot in South Korea.

(This article was written by Naotaka Fujita, a senior staff writer, and Nen Satomi.)

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This article is a part of a series based on diplomatic documents declassified by Japan’s Foreign Ministry in December 2022.